They managed to bamboozle the average person into fighting a “war of is very different than winning wars becausepeople who are under assault are going. example examination questions and answers drawn from Colin G. Bamford each chapter Susan Grant August Cambridge International AS and A Level Economics. 8 Bradford Perkins, The Great Rapprochement: England and the United States, formally declare war against Britain during World War II, it did destroy. PLAY DIRTY LYRICS TERMANOLOGY TORRENT If no the other. The recent don't see the option last 60. Accessible so a woodworking clients, no Vista computer, user can without any.
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Each of the ten chapters, which guide students from American Indian History before Columbus to Indian Country today, contains: an accessible narrative grounded in the most recent scholarship; written documents that encourage students to immerse themselves in the words and ideas of Indians and others with whom Indians had contact; and a picture essay that analyzes art, portraiture, and popular media images by Native and non-Native artists.
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Privacy Notice. Request Status. Thank you! Related Titles. Available Demos. Sample Achieve. Learn more about Achieve. Instant access to Achieve and ship me a physical edition. Instant access to Achieve, no physical edition. The international civil service was to develop considerably. It was composed of fifteen members , appointedRise and development 21 by the council and assembly of the league and independent of States. It played a useful role, though limited in that it was not concerned with the most important conflicts between States—political ones—but only legal disputes not involving vital interests.
In addition, its jurisdiction was not binding. The league had m a n y short-comings. The fields of competence of the assembly and the council were not clearly denned. Out of respect for each country's national sovereignty, decisions were taken unanimously, except in the case of procedural questions, and this led to paralysis. In principle, the organization was universal: the countries vanquished in the war were admitted, as were the emancipated colonial territories.
F r o m forty-five in , the number of members increased to sixty in But the covenant provided for the possibility of withdrawal, after preliminary notice had been given, and the totalitarian countries withdrew from the league. In there were only forty-four m e m b e r countries left, and the Soviet Union was about to be expelled on account of its attack on Finland. F r o m the beginning, the absence of the United States had caused an imbalance in the institution.
Finally, the very conception of the organization was defective. France, supported by Italy, was in favour of a strong league, capable of keeping a watch on Germany and ensuring that the peace treaties were observed, and possessing for that purpose a military force as a sure means of maintaining collective security. The English and the Americans, however, along with the Commonweal th and Latin American countries, were against this 'international militarism', being apprehensive that an armed force would limit the sovereignty of States.
Having no problem of security in respect of Germany and being preoccupied with moralistic considerations, they did not want a 'coercive' league, but a league based on goodwill, whose members would merely undertake to resort to international mediation in the event of a dispute.
Fearing that this right might be vitiated by use of the force placed in its service, they considered that the league, as a reflection of international public opinion, should act by exerting moral pressure on States in order to maintain peace. Hence the inadequacy of the provisions of the covenant relating to collective security.
The use of force was not forbidden, but simply governed by regulations, deferred, m a d e subject to the application of peaceful procedures, which were to prove difficult to define. France and its continental allies did not manage to get the Protocol adopted, the purpose of which was to ensure collective security by means of the formula 'arbitration, security, disarmament': compulsory arbi- tration, imposed by the council, would create security, which, in its turn, would m a k e disarmament possible.
But the dominions did not wish to take on specific obligations within the league, which remained unarmed. The Briand-Kellogg Pact of condemning recourse to war was no more than a moral commitment. The General Arbitration Act of the same year described the peaceful procedures which were to be substituted for recourse to war, but these were not mandatory. The word 'war' was not defined, which was to lead countries that had committed an aggression22 Pierre Gerbet to disguise their actions as 'incidents'.
Sanctions were not automatic, but subject to a decision by the council, which m a d e their application uncertain, and there was no body that could intervene. Lastly, disarmament proved impossible; the numerous commissions and conferences that discussed it came to nothing, and Germany's withdrawal from the league was the signal for the resumption of the arms race.
These structural defects were compounded by the fact that the league did not have a chance to work within a homogeneous international system. Victors and vanquished, conservative countries seeking to maintain the status quo and revisionist countries wanting changes in treaties, imperialist countries without respect for any rule and peaceful countries all remained in conflict with each other.
In these circumstances, the league's political role proved highly disappointing. Minor disputes were settled during the first few years and conflicts avoided the Vilnius affair in between Poland and Lithuania, the Aland Islands affair in between Finland and Sweden and the Graeco-Bulgar affair in Problems concerning minorities were discreetly solved. But the league was never able to face up to a great power. It did not have the courage to stand up to Italy w h e n Mussolini b o m b e d Corfu, nor did it penalize Japan when it invaded Manchuria in ; morally condemned by the assembly, however, Japan left the league in , then attacked China in The league was not able to prevent Italy from conquering Ethiopia in or to apply effective sanctions against it, after declaring it to be the aggressor.
The failure of sanctions—due to Franco-British complicity in ruling out military sanctions before the event and to the delivery of American oil to Italy—marked a turning-point in the history of the organization. M a n y countries left the league. The illusion of collective security faded. Turkey requested that the demilitarization of the Straits be ended; Switzerland returned to its position of complete neutrality. Italy left the organization in and attacked Albania in The league was helpless against Hitler's Germany, which had withdrawn from it in and which then proceeded to wreck the Treaty of Versailles and to commit aggression against Austria, Czechoslovakia and Poland.
The league, which had admitted the Soviet Union in , was unable to prevent it from dividing up Poland or from attacking Finland; it was finally expelled in December , but by then the Second World W a r had broken out. This series of failures is to be accounted for partly by the inadequacy of the league's internal machinery, but above all by lack of firmness on the part of the great democracies. They did not apply that policy of collective security of which they could have been the instrument.
Since its principal members adopted an attitude of weakness, the international organization was powerless. In contrast with its failure at the political level, the league's achievement in other spheres appears highly successful. The International Labour Organis- ation ILO , which was set up at the request of trade unions and the constitution of which, like the covenant of the league, had been included in the peace treaties, comprised all the members of the league.
Its structure was unusual, in that workers'Rise and development 23 and employers' delegates were present as well as government delegates. Thus, not only were States represented, but also the interested social groups. Directed by the French socialist, Albert T h o m a s , I L O achieved a great deal in the field of social legislation.
The league itself, of which I L O was practically independent, turned towards economic, financial and humanitarian action. General Smuts, a politician from the Union of South Africa, had advocated a League of Nations which would be not only a means of avoiding wars, but also an organ co-ordinating all international activities during peacetime with a view to hastening the advent of a world civilization.
It was his view that this organization would be able to impose its law on States in the event of international disputes only in so far as it was able to m a k e its influence felt on peaceful relations between States. But the league was conceived essentially as a political institution: economic and social co-operation was less important than collective security. Furthermore, most of the administrative unions, which were continuing with their activities, refused to place themselves under the direction of the league, although this was provided for by the covenant, owing to the opposition of the United States, a non-member of the league, and of certain governments which feared that the Geneva-based organization would become too powerful and be transformed into a super-State.
However, under the pressure of the needs of a world emerging from war, the league acquired specialized organs with a view to developing international co-operation in the fields of health, economy and finance, communications and transport. These 'organizations' and 'commissions' were subject to the supervision of the council and the assembly and were attached, as regards their functioning, to the administrative sections of the secretariat.
The league gave a decisive impetus to the provision of aid for refugees and work to counter epidemics. It contributed to the financial revival of certain nations which had been particularly hard hit by the war: Austria's recovery was a typical case of concerted international action. The league's economic services also sought remedies for the disorders of the world economy and organized international conferences for that purpose. M o r e often than not, however, they came up against the ill will of States, m a n y of which were opposed to economic action on the part of the organization and also to the growing compartmentalization of the world economy, particularly after the crisis of , with prohibitive customs duties, exchange control and immigration quotas.
In fact, a considerable proportion of international trade was controlled by private cartels, and international agreements were concluded between countries producing raw materials tin, rubber or foodstuffs wheat, sugar so as to stabilize prices by reducing production.
Despite all these obstacles, the technical organs or the league continued to carry out useful work, adapting to circumstances, foregoing any attempt to induce large numbers of States to subscribe to general conventions and increasing the number of sectoral and regional studies conduced by independent experts. The committee responsible for examining the question of reform of the league observed that universality was the prime condition for its success.
Universality was difficult to achieve at the political level, on account of differences in ideologies; it existed in the economic and social field, since those States that had left the league, together with the United States, participated in its technical activities. This being the case, would it not have been worth while to emphasize these activities, making them distinct from political matters, so as to save the organization? This was what was advocated in the report drawn up by Stanley Bruce, an Australian politician.
The Bruce Report recommended that a central committee on economic and social questions be established which would take over from the council and the assembly responsibility for directing and supervising technical activities. This committee would consist of government representatives and experts co-opted on a personal basis by virtue of their qualifications. Its decisions would be taken by majority vote. The Bruce Report ran counter to prevailing trends in that, for reasons of expediency, it separated technical activities from political obligations, which was contrary to the spirit of the covenant.
But it anticipated the future by putting forward the idea that economic and social activities should be centralized under the authority of a specialized committee, with the introduction of a majority vote and the presence of independent experts within a directive organ. It recognized that economic and social activities should cease to be regarded as secondary to political objectives and that they should constitute an end in themselves.
The Bruce Report, published on 23 August , was lost sight of in the war which broke out a few days later. But it had to a large extent paved the way for the creation of the United Nations Economic and Social Council. The United Nations system and the regional organizations The League of Nations was the victim of the Second World W a r which it had been unable to avert.
But by its very failure it had demonstrated the need for a m o r e effectively structured and more efficient international organization. Once again the United States and its president, Franklin Roosevelt, played a decisive role, in that it was their ideas that carried the day. In contrast with the league, which was rapidly set up at the beginning of the Peace Conference, preparations for the establishment of the United Nations were m a d e throughout the period of the war, principally by the Americans and British in conjunction, subsequently joined by the Soviets and the Chinese.
It was this sense of solidarity born of the war which alone m a d e success possible. The broad lines of the Organization were laid d o w n at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference August-October , while the Bretton W o o d s Conference July laid theRise and development 25 foundations for an international monetary system. The smaller powers at war with the Axis had an opportunity to put forward their points of view at the San Francisco Conference April-June , at which the United Nations Charter was drawn up on the basis of the principles already laid d o w n by the great powers.
The United Nations, the headquarters of which were to be in N e w York, began to function at the beginning of W e shall not attempt to describe the United Nations system, even in brief, but simply to show h o w it incorporated the various trends which had gradually emerged in the course of the development of international organizations and h o w it sought to learn from the unhappy experience of the League of Nations.
The first characteristic of the Organization is undoubtedly its universalism, demonstrated from the outset by the presence of the United States and the Soviet Union—a universalism which, since the Cold W a r period when admissions were suspended, has become the rule.
The number of M e m b e r States has increased considerably, largely as a result of the accession to independence of colonized countries: the number of members has risen from 51 at the time of the signing of the Charter to in All States wish to be members of the United Nations; none has withdrawn its membership. The United Nations has become a world forum, a unique machinery for the conduct of international relations, particularly for the small countries which might be isolated were it not for the United Nations.
Its second characteristic is that it covers a wide variety of activities: something of this was already to be discerned in the League of Nations, but it has been fully realized by the United Nations. The United Nations deals with all h u m a n activities: political, economic, cultural, social and technical. Emphasis has been laid on the need for action in the economic and social spheres in order to guard against tensions which jeopardize peace.
The Organization's field of action is therefore considerable and has constantly increased, a leading place being given to assistance for development. The third characteristic of the Organization is the breadth of its institutional machinery and the flexibility of its procedures.
The United Nations system as a whole is an impressive structure. The United Nations proper constitutes its centre, with the General Assembly and the specialized Councils Security Council, Economic and Social Council, Trusteeship Council , the International Court of Justice and the Secretariat, directed by a Secretary-General w h o , today, has not only administrative, but also political functions.
Centred on the United Nations and linked up to the Economic and Social Council are fifteen or so Specialized Agencies, some of which are former administrative unions and others former technical organs of the League of Nations, in a considerably developed form. This vast structure is not rigid, however: the relative importance of the principal organs has not always been the same, and by setting up specialized c o m - missions and subsidiary organs it is possible to deal with n e w problems and to adapt to needs.
The covenant of the league was incorporated in the peace treaties, and the league itself appeared to be a means of maintaining the status quo; but the United Nations has not, on the whole, had to concern itself with winding up the Second World W a r. Its Charter was separate from the peace treaties.
N o r has it sought to preserve the status quo—far from it. It has shown itself capable of adapting to changing circumstances and to world trends, and its role did not remain the same during the Cold W a r , the period of peaceful coexistence and that of the ascent of the Third World.
Its activities have taken different directions in accordance with the successive majorities which have emerged within it. The fifth characteristic of the United Nations is its relative failure in the matter of collective security. Yet the great powers took the utmost care to m a k e the United Nations an effective instrument in this field.
The principle of the sovereign equality of States and majority rule, which prevailed in the other organs, became singularly inoperative in the Security Council, where the five leading powers possessed a 'right of veto'. The agreement of the great powers was regarded as a prerequisite for taking a decision. It was their task to operate a system of military intervention in the event of aggression. The decisions of the Security Council were to be acted on by all members.
In this way, world peace would be maintained through the joint action of the great powers. This was a far cry from the short-comings of the league. It was, more or less, a return to the realism of the Concert of Europe. But the system did not work, on account of the differences which arose a mo ng the great powers.
In fact, world peace was preserved by the dangerous balance of terror between the two major nuclear powers, though this did not prevent local wars from multiplying. Nothing was achieved as regards disarmament. A n d yet, in spite of these unfavourable conditions, the United Nations has done useful work—endeavouring to keep conflicts from spreading, operating the m a n y mechanisms for negotiation, good offices and mediation and sending observers and emergency forces to intervene between belligerents and to see that a truce or armistice is observed.
However, it cannot really deal with the basic causes of conflicts. This limited nature of the role of the United Nations in the field of collective security is one of the reasons for the development of the regional organizations.
These were set up after the Second World W a r , mainly for security reasons. Alliances multiplied and were often institutionalized in the form of permanent organizations. Economic organizations arose which employed various methods of co-operation or integration. Thus, major regional groupings gradually appeared in a more or less structured form, bringing together countries in the American hemisphere, the North Atlantic, Western Europe, Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, the Arab League and, later, Africa.
This was a relatively new phenomenon: after the Concert of Europe, the normal frame of reference of an international organization had been considered, since the end of the nineteenth century, to be world-wide; regionalism n o w appeared to be a more effective system, because of theRise and development 27 geographical proximity, the community of civilization and ideology and the identity of economic and social structures of neighbouring countries. In fact, the two systems are complementary to each other.
Certain problems can as yet be dealt with only within a particular region, while others can be tackled solely at world level. In comparison with the past, this international organization on two levels probably constitutes the most original feature of our time.
Diplomacy by Conference. London, The Evolution of International Or- ganizations. A Short History of International Organisations. Allied Shipping Control. AnExperiment in International Administration. Oxford, Geneva, T h e socialist conception Grigorii Morozov Introduction The socialist conception of international organizations is based on the Leninist principles that guide foreign policy. T h e socialist view holds that, at the present stage which has been reached in the process of relaxation of international tension, international organizations are acquiring a larger role and a greater degree of responsibility.
M a n y international organizations are n o w in a better position to realize their positive potentialities proclaimed at the time of their establishment but inhibited in the past by the Cold W a r , whose consequences are still quite clearly in evidence. In the Soviet Union and other socialist countries enormous significance is attached to implementation of the 'Programme for the continued struggle for peace and international co-operation and for the freedom and independence of nations', which was approved in at the twenty-fifth Congress of the Communis t Party of the Soviet Union.
Jurists, historians, economists and sociologists collaborate in formulating the socialist conception of international organizations. Academy of Sciences, Moscow. He has published several books and many articles on international organizations and relations. They had no established role before the Second World W a r and confined themselves to a few specialized spheres transport, health, etc.
Socialist doctrine denies any idea of succession linking the United Nations to the League of Nations. The United Nations—the first international organization in history with the genuine ability for the maintenance of peace—was created as a result of the victory of the anti-Hitler coalition in the Second World W a r. In the post-war period it is not only quantitative growth but to no lesser extent new qualitative features resulting from major shifts in the world scene which have m a d e international organizations an important element of international relations.
Whereas in the past international organizations were based solely on the capitalist system of States, the position has n o w radically altered in that there exists a world socialist system. There n o w exist in the world international intergovern- mental organizations which unite States within the framework of the main social systems, and also international organizations which cut across the dividing lines between these systems and comprise States with different, and sometimes opposing, social systems.
These latter organizations represent a highly important feature of contemporary international life, marked as it is by the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems. The United Nations occupies a central place a m o n g these organizations. T h e collapse of colonialism and the emergence of a large number of young national States have led to the emergence of international organizations a m o n g developing countries.
T h e far-reaching progress m a d e by social movements has also led to the creation of m a n y international non-governmental organizations. O n e major characteristic of contemporary international organizations is the result of the scientific and technological revolution.
There n o w exists a host of problems of a global nature: first and foremost the averting of a nuclear-missile world war; followed by protection of the environment; the peaceful conquest of space; food, energy, raw materials and other problems. International organizations, in the opinion of those w h o have studied the matter in the socialist countries, offer outstanding possibilities for co-operation between States in specific fields, and organizations such as the United Nations and certain regional organizations offer an excellent means of settling inter-State disputes.
A study of international organizations requires consideration of the political and social factors underlying the fundamental principles and trends moulding the development of international relations in our time. The socialist view is that the principal such factors are the disposition and correlation of political and class forces in the international arena, together with the other factors which30 Grigorii Morozov determine relations between States within major social systems, as well as between States belonging to different systems, including their attitude to the fundamental political and economic problems of our day, starting with that of war and peace.
Thus , in studying the international organizations of the capitalist countries, the socialist view takes into account n e w phenomena in the development of capitalism. These phenomena have led to the setting up of military and political blocs and economic groupings.
The socialist view of these organizations is critical, considering that the activity of military blocs enhances the threat of war and that the exclusive character of the economic groupings disrupts the process of internationalizing world economic relations and results in discriminatory attitudes in relations between States belonging to different social systems. It is clear that there is as yet no generally accepted definition of international organization.
In the author's opinion, it is possible, in the light of the basic tenets of the socialist conception, to define an international organization in its most general form as a stable, clearly structured instrument of international co-operation, freely established by its members for the joint solution of c o m m o n problems and the pooling of efforts within the limits laid d o w n in its statutes. International organizations have, as a rule, at least three m e m b e r countries. These m a y be governments, official organizations or non-governmental organizations.
Inter- national organizations have agreed aims, organs with appropriate terms of reference and also specific institutional features such as statutes, rules of procedure, membership, etc. The aims and activity of an international organization must be in keeping with the universally accepted principles of international law embodied in the Charter of the United Nations and must not have a commercial character or pursue profit-making aims. Multinational corporations, private international cartels, monopolies and other similar international bodies have nothing to do with international organ- izations in the true sense of the term.
International intergovernmental organizations IGOs T h e significance of this group of international organizations lies in the fact that States participate officially in them, and in the importance and variety of the tasks which m a n y of them are called upon to undertake.
I G O s are not merely instruments for multilateral diplomacy. Their sphere of activity frequently extends beyond that of political relations between States and embraces m a n y other fields. Underlying the creation of I G O s is the need for governments to seek joint solutions to major world problems in the interests of peace and the genuine desire of nations and States to enter into economic and cultural relations with each other, even if the accomplishment of this desire is impeded by various factors such as the policy of economic discrimination which is practised by a number of countries in the West.
The socialist conception 31 Co-operation between States through I G O s can assist scientific and techno- logical progress, the extension of cultural links and the solving of world-wide problems. In order to understand the over-all question of participation by socialist States in I G O s in which States with opposing social systems are represented, particular attention must be paid to the Leninist principle that, in foreign policy, it is essential to take into account not only the aggressive schemes of capitalist circles but also the attitudes of sane-thinking bourgeois politicians and oppor- tunities for agreement with the capitalist States.
The socialist conception of international organizations attributes great importance to the role of the young States in I G O s , for w h o m participation in these organizations is part of the process of consolidating their sovereignty and national independence and of solving their pressing economic and other problems. The socialist conception holds that I G O s like States, are part of the over-all system of international relations, albeit having a specific role.
Whereas States, possessing full rights under international law, constitute first-class members of the system, I G O s on the whole are looked upon as second-class members. Within the system of international relations, I G O s can be classified both according to their real importance and according to their formal criteria.
In regard to the latter, certain I G O s form part of the general system of international relations both as components ofthat system and of one of its sub-systems in view of their relationship with a larger organization constituting such a subsystem for example, the United Nations maintains relations with the Specialized Agencies within its system—which is in fact the sub-system here envisaged—and with non-governmental organizations on a consultative basis.
Organizations such as Unesco or I L O can be regarded both as part of the United Nations subsystem and as autonomous elements of the general system of international relations. But subsystems or the aggregate of a number of international organizations bound together by formal links do not constitute n e w international organizations; for example, the United Nations 'family' as such—the United Nations subsystem—does not constitute an independent element within the general system, though its components do.
In addition to those already mentioned, the place occupied by an inter- national organization in the hierarchy of international relations depends on a number of other factors: the kind of activity it performs, the size and nature of its membership, etc. The influence exerted by international organizations on the policies of States32 Grigorii Morozov and on international relations as a whole is a complex phenomenon.
In a certain sense this influence is a two-way process since the situation in international organ- izations is to a large extent determined by the general processes taking place in the international sphere, while their activity in turn constitutes an integral part of inter- national relations as a whole. Their activity as it were transforms international problems, either showing h o w they can be solved or making it apparent that no solution is possible for the time being.
O f great value is the use of specific insti- tutional forms which provide members of international organizations with additional opportunities for talks, joint research, efforts to find solutions, etc. A m o n g recognized forms of activity are the drawing up of draft international agreements, conventions and regulations, codification of the elements of inter- national law and attempts which, unfortunalely, have not yet been sufficiently successful to employ traditional forms of mediation for settling international conflicts.
While attaching great importance to I G O s , socialist doctrine nevertheless rejects, for the foreseeable future, the possibility that they will evolve towards supra-national federations such as a 'world government', 'universal parliament' or similar type of institution which, in the opinion of a number of bourgeois thinkers, would be capable of providing a radical solution to all international problems.
W e take issue with the advocates of the 'world State' idea chiefly over the question of the frontiers of what is possible for international organizations. Underlying the notion of creating 'universal federations' is the idea that they would be all-powerful, capable of bringing about radical changes in the world and solving even the most complex social and political problems.
International organizations nevertheless occupy in the system of inter- national relations an important place, albeit bounded by objective limits, a place which is determined principally by the objective laws of social development and also by the interests, views and sovereignty of individual States.
Within these limits, I G O s naturally enjoy a degree of independence, but their freedom of action is by no means unlimited: questions of war and peace and also fundamental social problems can be solved only as a result of action by States and of interaction and co-operation between the major political forces. I G O s are therefore not self-sufficient; they cannot determine the course of world development.
Their role is to help to strengthen peace and inter-State co-operation, giving full weight to the interests of their members , rather than pursuing the aim, which would ensue from the notion of a 'world State', of abolishing national sovereignty.
Within well-defined limits, they can also help to solve certain social problems. A s the establishment of a durable system of international security progresses, certain I G O s will inevitably undergo major transformations, change their character and in some cases even cease to exist. The socialist conception is also based on the fact that I G O s possess a specific international legal personality, the character of which consists in its limited scope in comparison with that of States which are fully autonomous entities in inter- national law.
In studying the activity of I G O s , the socialist approach analyses the working of their machinery. It takes the view that the activity of every part of the structure of any I G O must above all reflect the fundamental principle of modern international law—that of the sovereign equality of States as embodied in the Charter of the United Nations and in the statutes of m a n y I G O s.
The true guarantee of peace on earth depends directly on observance of this principle. I G O s are established for the purpose of joint action by States in their c o m m o n interest. M e m b e r States are juridically equal entities in international intercourse, but at the same time their responsibility and individual contribution to solving the problems of a particular I G O depends on the opportunities available to them in real terms.
The juridical equality of the m e m b e r States of I G O s as a principle of international law is not nullified by the fact of their actual inequality, which is determined by m a n y different factors: military and economic strength, size of population, possession of natural resources, etc. The I G O s , established in strict accordance with the universally recognized principles of international law, adhere strictly to the principle of'one country, one vote'.
The unanimous vote rule applied to the permanent members of the Security Council of the United Nations is an expression of the particular responsibility borne by those powers for the fate of the world and the principle of equality between two opposing social systems, necessi- tating agreed solutions to international problems. Realization of the potential of I G O s depends mainly on the will of their m e m b e r States and the efforts they m a k e towards co-operation and peace. The functional efficiency of the machinery of an I G O , i.
The socialist conception regards compromise and mutual concessions as long as they are outside the ideological sphere as important elements in inter- national co-operation between States. The activity of I G O s is indeed inconceivable without them. I G O s must therefore respect the principles of maintenance of peace and sovereign equality and take the interests of all m e m b e r States into account to the greatest possible extent.
In terms of their activity, these characteristics should find34 Grigorii Morozov expression in the decisions they take, which influence the policies of their m e m b e r States in one direction or another. W e cannot accept the point of view which holds that international organizations 'develop a will which is juridically independent of the will of the member States and superior to it'. Such an interpretation can be employed, as it was during the Cold W a r period, to enable a group of countries, taking advantage of their 'automatic majority' of votes, to m a k e use of I G O s to impose their will on other countries.
Attempts to infer that decisions taken by I G O s are of a legally binding nature because they derive from a 'supreme' will are in irreconcilable contradiction with the universally accepted character of this category of international organizations. It is significant that these I G O s comprise States with differing social systems and differing class structures. The wills of States with different social systems which are members of an I G O cannot be fused together and form some kind of single 'general' or 'supreme' will in the classic sense, i.
Clashing class interests cannot produce a synthesis of wills of this kind. At the same time it is essential to give consideration to the interests of States which are opposed in their social attitudes in order that the activity of such I G O s m a y achieve just results on the basis of respect for sovereignty and for the interests of the m e m b e r States. The decisions of I G O s should be taken in accordance with a set procedure. These decisions will then reflect the interaction made up of conflict and co- operation between the various political forces in the organization in question, and it is this which provides a genuine basis for their legal significance.
Other factors which exert an influence on the decisions taken by I G O s include the interest taken by individual regions in the questions under discussion, the positions adopted by groups of States and individual States, etc. The combined will of these I G O s is distinct from the wills of their individual members in its essence and in its nature.
It is formed as a result of decisions arrived at by the members of the I G O , usually by w a y of compromise. This combination of wills is a dynamic force because, in finding a solution to various problems, there is a clash between the wills of the different States and it is as the result of compromise between them that an agreed position is reached and expressed on any given concrete question. The various wills in this case are not aggregated arithmetically; each one exists independently or inside a homogeneous socio-political group, within whose framework they can be combined.
Hence the specific will of an I G O is a complex expression of the positions of the m e m b e r States of the organization. The socialist conception rejects the view of certain bourgeois internationalists w h o , noting 'the ambiguity. It is clear, of course, that the fullest possible development of such activity on the part of international organizations is possible only when the over-all background of international relations is favourable.
The United Nations The socialist conception attaches great importance to the United Nations and to m a n y of its Specialized Agencies. T h e United Nations is considered to be an integral part of present-day international relations. The United Nations is a unique international organization both in its membership and in the breadth of its competence. O n e of its most important features is its universality and, above all, the fact that it contains States with opposing social systems.
The Charter of the United Nations reaffirmed the main democratic principles of international law on which peaceful coexistence is based. Events have shown that the Charter has withstood the test of time; it embodies the means necessary to ensure peace and international co-operation. The key principle of the Charter—that requiring resolutions in the Security Council to be voted unanimously by the permanent members—guarantees co-operation between the permanent members of the council and prevents that organ from being used for purposes which run counter to the interests of peace and security.
This principle is tremendously important for young States, small countries and peoples w h o are struggling for freedom and independence. A n example was the U. The United Nations constitutes a highly important international forum for multilateral discussions. It is the place where vital texts are prepared and it can, in certain circumstances, be the centre for action in defence of peace and for carrying out international co-operative projects.
Analysis of the results of United Nations activity, on the other hand, leads to the conclusion that its potential has not been fully realized. The following obser- vation by L. Brezhnev throws light on the reasons for this: 'The United Nations is not some sort of self-sufficient power nor some kind of universal supergovernment. Its actions and the positions it takes up merely reflect the existing balance of forces between the States of the world, what is the prevailing trend in international life.
The Cold W a r years had an extremely negative effect on the United Nations. Certain countries, relying on the voting majority they enjoyed the 'voting machine' , sanctioned, in the n a m e of the United Nations, a number of actions which ran counter to the aims of its Charter. This policy inflicted serious damage on the United Nations. In connexion with one of these actions—the 'Korean operation' of —an American internationalist wrote: '.
During the Cold W a r years serious damage was inflicted on the principle of the universality of membership of the United Nations: the socialist countries were subjected to open discrimination. Unfortunately, discriminatory acts of this kind have been practised even recently in the Security Council as regards the admission of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Republic of South Viet-Nam in Even during the Cold W a r , however, the socialist countries and other peace- loving powers were able to achieve a number of positive results during discussions on the struggle for national liberation and other questions—modest but none the less important positive steps, a m o n g them the resolution adopted on the initiative of the U.
Changes in the balance of power in the world led to similar changes in the disposition of forces within the United Nations, which m a d e it possible to take m a n y useful decisions in vital areas, especially decolonization, disarmament and h u m a n rights. A n important question in regard to m a n y of these decisions is the extent to which they have been implemented.
Over resolutions against the South African racists, for example, are still non-effective. Not enough has been done as regards using the United Nations for the settlement of international conflicts and ensuring peace: Security Council resolution on the Near East, for example, is still unimplemented after m a n y years.
O n all the major disputed points the line of demarcation between the Soviet Union and other socialist countries and a number of other powers coincides with that relating to the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter. This applies, for example, to the question of United Nations peace-keeping operations which has been under discussion in the United Nations for m a n y years.
The U. The stand aiming at setting up the Secretary- General of the United Nations, in opposition to the Security Council, to assume 'effective control' of such operations, has brought about a number of extremely negative consequences the 'Congo operation', for instance. Firm objections to this attitude are called for. The Charter of the United Nations, which confers upon the Secretary-General important and at the same time clearly defined rights, by no means gives him independent and personal powers to conduct peace-keeping operations.
The decision taken at the X X X t h session of the General Assembly of the United Nations concerning the necessity of removing the foreign troops stationed in the Republic of Korea under the United Nations flag is tantamount to a dis- avowal of the Korean action already mentioned.
The history of the United Nations demonstrates the rightfulness of the socialist position and bears witness to the fact that the problem of collective action by the United Nations in defence of peace can be solved only on the basis of strict conformity with the United Nations Charter. M u c h the same can be said in connexion with other questions which have given rise to contention in the United Nations. Recent United Nations activity shows an increasingly marked preponderance of the constructive over the destructive approach.
However, this does not m e a n that everything is n o w plain sailing. In response to the weakening of their position resulting from the new balance of forces within the United Nations the Western powers took a number of retaliatory measures against the so-called 'tyranny of the majority'—measures which ran counter to the United Nations Charter.
A m o n g these m a y be mentioned the partial withholding of contributions to the United Nations, the declared intention of curtailing the assistance given to countries which take up, at sessions of the General Assembly, positions displeasing to one of the Western powers, the use of the veto in the Security Council for the purpose of blocking proposals which are inconvenient to a certain group of Western countries, etc.
The extreme-leftist views which have in recent years been disseminated within the United Nations create obvious difficulties for the objective discussion of important questions and for rational attempts to find positive solutions to them. It is clear that no little effort is still required before the United Nations can become a reliable instrument for the preservation of peace and fully justify the hopes placed in it by the peoples.
Economic, humanitarian, scientific and technological problems have in recent years occupied an increasingly large place in the affairs of the United Nations. The socialist approach is based on the fact that the United Nations was founded by the peoples of the anti-Hilter coalition, first and foremost in the interests of preserving peace.
Its aim is that the United Nations should become stronger, that its38 Grigorii Morozov authority in international political affairs should be enhanced, that its political machinery should function effectively and that the governments of M e m b e r States of the United Nations should undeviatingly adhere to its Charter.
A different approach affirms the need to concentrate the activity of the United Nations and of the organizations making up the system on economic, scientific and technological co-operation, to the detriment of their political functions. Influential circles in the West, defending this conception, are striving to use the United Nations in order to strengthen their o w n influence with the countries of the Third World.
O n the strength of their considerable economic, scientific and technological resources, they hope in this w a y to m a k e up for the losses they have suffered in fundamental political matters through the—to them—unfavourable balance of power in the United Nations. The interests of international co-operation, however, and the United Nations' role therein, demonstrate the necessity of giving priority in its activity to political w o r k associated with the preservation of international peace.
This does not, of course, m e a n that it is unnecessary for the United Nations to participate in economic, scientific and technological co-operation, since there is a real need for such co-operation. The United Nations can do m u c h towards solving the political problems which must be solved before a solution can be found to economic and other problems, particularly that of the new international economic order.
Affirming the priority of the United Nations' political functions, socialist doctrine supports the economic demands of the developing countries for a restructuring of international economic relations. It is undeniable that the demands of the developing countries, that their sovereignty over their natural resources and their right to nationalize foreign property should be respected and that the principle of equal rights in economic co-operation between peoples should be upheld, are fully justified.
International intergovernmental organizations of the socialist countries T h e significance of the international organizations of the States of the socialist system lies in the co-operative role of the socialist countries in the modern world, and in the special features marking these countries' international relations.
The basis of these relations is the principle of proletarian internationalism, founded on the brotherly mutual aid, genuine equality of rights and independence of theThe socialist conception 39 countries concerned. The international relations of the socialist countries are characterized by disinterested mutual aid, friendship and co-operation, and the voluntary pooling of forces in the struggle for the victory of socialism.
Such general democratic principles of international law as the principles of respect for State sovereignty, equal rights and self-determination of peoples, mutual benefit and non- interference, are reflected in the relations of the socialist countries. The most important of the international organizations of the socialist countries are the Warsaw Treaty organization13 and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance.
Establishment of the W a r s a w Treaty organization was a step by the socialist States that came in response to a set of moves by the Western countries signifying a real threat to the socialist States. The W a r s a w Treaty organization has a system of organs Political Consulta- tive Committee, Unified Military C o m m a n d , A r m e d Forces Staff, Military Council effectively fostering the defensive military strength of its members. The organization reliably ensures the security of the socialist countries in the event of armed attack on them in Europe since it provides for immediate assistance by every means, including the use of armed force.
The treaty speaks of the link to be created between the organization set up under it and the United Nations and proclaims the need to establish a system of security in Europe comprising all States of the continent. The treaty embodies the most important principles of the United Nations Charter. It contains a direct reference to Article 51 of the Charter as the legal basis for the activity of its members.
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